The President's Keepers.pdf 382 of 382 JACQUES PAUWTHE PRESIDENT'S KEEPERSTHOSE KEEPING ZUMA IN POWER AND OUT OF PRISONTAFELBERG million for the rental of the warehouse. Some of cars had been unused foralmost four years. There were other Fraser family members working for PAN.Arthur's son Lyle became the floor manager at the warehouse while his mother,Ms C.F. Fraser, was also a PAN agent. Both Barry Fraser and Ms Fraser wereboard members of a community-based organisation that dealt with conflictresolution at schools. PAN contributed R10 million towards the organisationalthough it had nothing to do with national security.PAN imported state-of-the-art surveillance vans from the British-basedGamma Group for an amount of R45.7 million. Gamma is a high-techmanufacturer that counts the world's foremost intelligence agencies among itsclients. Their surveillance vehicles contain equipment for the “video and audioprocessing of targets”, “grabber” surveillance machines and “command andcontrol software”. Engelke found that the “correct supply chain managementprocedures” were not followed in their purchase. The vehicles were alsoregistered in the name of the agency, which created the danger that shouldanyone check their number plates, their cover would be blown.The investigators found that Fraser had told an NIA agent, John Galloway, toresign and start a security company to supply PAN with high-tech equipment.Galloway was paid R11 million while he was still an NIA employee andbefore the company was set up. This already amounted to fraud. He left theservice in March 2008, set up G-Tech and was paid another R47 million. Heconducted his business from home, had no employees and provided servicesthat the investigators said were of “poor quality”. Galloway purchased withina span of 20 months property worth R11 million.Wallace revealed to the investigators that enormous amounts of cash – up toR10 million at a time – were delivered to the PAN offices on a regular basis.Packets of money were wrapped in tinfoil and packed in bags. Theinvestigators produced an internal audit report that revealed that there were discrepancies on temporary advances to the amount of R85 million. More thanR200 million was unaccounted for.Both Manzini and Fraser were fingered as having “forced” the chief financialofficer of the NIA to release millions of rand to the Covert Support Unit byway of verbal approvals, which was in complete contradiction with theregulatory framework.When the investigators evaluated the projects, they found little of value. Twodrug addicts were, for example, recruited to work on Project Émigré and spyon immigrants. They did nothing. Project Kagee was supposed to focus on“counter-terrorism”. PAN paid an informant R12 million for information that“could have been obtained through open sources”. The informant used hishard-earned dosh to buy a stake in a BMW dealership.The investigators said the projects were badly planned, managed andconducted and were costly to the NIA because any agent could have gatheredthe information. None of the projects had individual authorisation, operationalplans or budgets as required. They were often initiated on the verbalinstruction of Fraser and wads of money were thrown at them.The investigators did lifestyle audits of the PAN managers and found thatseveral seemed to have won the Lotto. Their personal wealth had increaseddramatically during the lifespan of PAN. One of the managers who lived in atownhouse upgraded to a three-storey mansion and bought his wife a RangeRover Evoque for almost a million rand.One of the most damning findings of the PAN investigation was about Fraserhimself. The investigators stated there was “an intention to create analternative intelligence capacity”. Said the report: “An expensivecommunication system was put in place at Mr Fraser's private residence andhe has been the sole recipient of information gathered by the PANs.”PAN agents had sent their intelligence reports in an encrypted electronic format to Fraser's personal server instead of submitting them to the NIAmainframe where they could be checked, analysed and verified, and thendisseminated and integrated into the agency's information management system.The SSA removed the server from Fraser's house. When they analysed thedevice, they found 800 intel reports that he had failed to send to the agency'smainframe. The investigators said this was in contradiction of the internalregulatory framework and transgressed the Protection of Information Act. As aresult, the investigators concluded, Fraser could probably be charged withtreason. “It also gives clear indications of the intent to establish an alternativeintelligence structure for purposes unknown.”When Engelke challenged Fraser about the server, he refused to discuss it.Speculation was rife that Fraser was a double agent or that PAN had anulterior motive: to keep the Western Cape in ANC hands.Engelke and his team confronted one manager after the other, most of them inthe presence of their lawyers. The manager of PAN's operational coordinationunit, Graham Engel, allegedly said to Engelke: “Somebody is going to get hurthere, and that one is not me. Do you know who you are dealing with? This goesright to the top.”When Paul Engelke and Kobus Meiring handed their report to Njenje, theyconcluded that there was “wide-scale financial mismanagement, fruitlessexpenditure, nepotism and corruption”. In their view, there was sufficient proofto prosecute Manzini, Fraser, Makhwathana, Wallace, Engel and ten othermanagers and agents for a host of alleged crimes.* * *Arthur Fraser was bulletproof. This was because he had probably saved JacobZuma from prosecution and thereby enabled the ANC leader to ascend to thehighest office in the land. In the mid-2000s Zuma was fighting for his politicalsurvival and standing trial on 783 charges of fraud, racketeering and corruption. The case emanated from bribes that he had received from armsmanufacturers during South Africa's controversial arms deal of the 1990s and2000s. The money was paid to Zuma's financier and banker, Schabir Shaik,who in turn paid it over to JZ.In 2005 Shaik was convicted of similar charges and sentenced to 15 years'imprisonment. This gave President Mbeki an excuse to fire Zuma as deputypresident, thereby burying his ambitions for highest office. Zuma, in turn, wason his knees and holding on for dear life. The contest between the two wasSouth Africa's Cold War: the political landscape was littered withskulduggery, hatchet jobs, sleights of hand and smear campaigns. Both sideswere sneaking and snooping on one another.In 1999 Mbeki and NPA boss Bulelani Ngcuka established a new, crackcrime-fighting unit called the Directorate of Special Operations, widely knownas the Scorpions, in the NPA. The Scorpions had to combat organised crime,taxi violence, politically motivated violence and drug-related crimes. Therewas from the outset bad blood and turf wars between the police and theScorpions. The unit achieved a tremendous conviction rate but was accused ofcherry-picking and pursuing only winnable cases. The Scorpions had areputation for going after dodgy politicians and senior civil servants – likepolice commissioner Jackie Selebi and Jacob Zuma.The Mbeki camp unleashed what should have been the killer blow. In May2007, a top-secret report was leaked that purported to prove that Zuma'spresidential ambitions were fuelled and funded by corrupt African leaders,among them Angola's Eduardo dos Santos and Libya's Muammar Gaddafi.Marked ‘top secret' and known as the Browse Mole report, it alleged thatZuma had travelled to Libya on at least three occasions to meet with seniorLibyan figures. Browse Mole also alleged that the Zuma backers had met at theGreat Lakes in April 2006 to discuss military intervention to unseat Thabo could appoint his allies and cronies to them. He had to select a new policechief, a new national director of public prosecutions, a new intelligence chiefand the head of the Hawks.A former intelligence hand himself, Zuma has always relied on hisintelligence and security chieftains to infiltrate the state apparatus while at thesame time safeguarding him from revolt and overthrow. These stooges havelittle regard for law and order and for keeping the Republic safe. Instead, theyhave mostly been reduced to squads of hooligans that are prepared to harassand hound any Zuma adversary into submission.A pattern of appointing cronies and loyalists in key positions emerged at theoutset of Zuma's presidency. He was mindful that he could still be brought tobook for corruption in the future, and set in motion a shadow security state thatwould undermine the independence of the police and the National ProsecutingAuthority (NPA).After Siyabonga Cwele became state security minister, Zuma appointed threeloyalists as his intelligence chiefs: Gibson Njenje as head of domesticintelligence, Moe Shaik as head of foreign intelligence, and Jeff Maqetuka asso-called super-director-general. Unexpectedly, the trio soon showed analarming sense of independence when they became intent on investigating theinfluence of the Gupta family on the government and the state. This was afterpress reports that the family had offered former ANC Youth League leaderFikile Mbalula a ministerial post. Cwele flew his three administrative heads toCape Town and ordered them to halt the project. They refused and he orderedthem to resign.With Njenje gone, Engelke had lost one of his only allies. He wasn't ready yetto throw in the towel. He had a further appointment with the SIU, who told himthat they were awaiting authorisation from the new spy boss, acting SSAdirector-general Dennis Dhlomo, to request the audit. Nothing was forthcoming.Cwele also began to change his attitude towards the investigators during thelatter half of their probe. He told Paul Engelke that he didn't trust him anylonger and that he held a vendetta against Fraser. The investigation was on therocks. At the time Cwele himself was under siege. His wife, Sheryl, wasconvicted of drug smuggling and sentenced to 12 years' imprisonment, laterincreased by the Appeal Court to 20 years. Opposition parties called forCwele to step down, arguing that if he was not aware of his wife's illegalactivities, he should no longer oversee the country's intelligence-gathering.There were also reports that the minister ordered that his wife be affordedintelligence protection for the duration of her trial. She was transported to andfrom court in official vehicles and protected by intelligence agency officers.When Cwele received the final PAN report, he referred it to the inspector-general of intelligence (IGI) for “further investigation”. This made no sense.PAN was already being investigated by the best legal brains in the SSA. Whatmore was there to uncover? By doing so, Cwele ensured that the mire of PANwould be entombed in Musanda's boneyard and would ultimately disappear inthe hidden workings of the inspector-general. This included the SARSinvestigation into the tax affairs of the PAN beneficiaries.Only two bodies have oversight over the intelligence agencies: the Office ofthe Inspector-General of Intelligence and Parliament's Joint StandingCommittee on Intelligence. The IGI is constitutionally mandated to protect thepublic from abuses by the intelligence services. Its activities are cloaked insecrecy, however; its reports are not made public and it doesn't engage withthe media.Engelke and Meiring had stored their evidence in an office at Musanda whichthey referred to as the “war room”. The IGI never interrogated this evidence.Engelke appeared before inspector-general Faith Radebe and Jay Govender, the IGI's legal adviser, and was grilled about his apparent feud with Fraser andwhether it had clouded his forensic appraisal.The Office of the IGI has for many years been a blunt constitutional tool. TheIGI investigates complaints against the SSA, the police's crime intelligenceunit and the Defence Force's defence intelligence division. The IGI must alsomonitor their compliance with the Constitution, especially section 198, whichstates that national security must “reflect the resolve of South Africans, asindividuals and as a nation, to live as equals, to live in peace and harmony, tobe free from fear and want and to seek a better life”.The choice of IGIs since 1994 has not evoked any confidence in the office.Faith Radebe, appointed in April 2010, was a former spook herself. A trainedlawyer, she was also a special projects manager at the NIA. This alone shouldhave disqualified her from the job.A glance at the IGI's website is indicative of the dismal state of affairs duringRadebe's reign. She hadn't released or declassified a single report after herappointment in 2010. In fact, the last declassified report on the website datedto March 2006. The last speech of Radebe was posted on the website inAugust 2010 and the last press release in April 2010, when she was sworn in.Radebe's term expired in March 2015 and her successor was only appointed atthe end of 2016. For almost two years there was no oversight over theintelligence services and the IGI's office barely functioned. It meant in practicethat the country's intelligence agencies accounted to no one.IGI legal adviser Advocate Jay Govender, who was one of the candidates forIG after Radebe left, admitted at the parliamentary hearings that the office“was clearly not without its problems” and was operational only “to a certainextent”. Her colleague, Mampogoane Nchabeleng‚ who also sat on theexecutive committee‚ reported that they had been “managing the office as acollective” but could not say what they had been doing in the past year. AcknowledgementsWhen I left journalism towards the end of 2014, it was to escape the psychosisof journalism that had engulfed my life for more than three decades. I thoughtthat owning a restaurant, bar and guesthouse on the platteland would allow methe peace and quiet I longed for. How wrong I was: I jumped out of the fryingpan into the fire when I attempted to try my hand at cheffing. The food heldpromise, but I was a far cry from Giorgio Locatelli or Gordon Ramsay. I wasstill pondering the wisdom of my decision when the opportunity to write thisbook presented itself.I leapfrogged from the fire back into the frying pan. It has left my wife, SamRogers, with an enormous burden to run the Red Tin Roof on her own as Iretreated into my writing shell. I am allegedly not a very nice person when I doso.I will forever be grateful to Sam for affording me the time and support towrite this book. And for her love during trying times.So too the chefs in the kitchen and the other Red Tin Roof staff for their careand support. The same goes to the wonderful residents of Riebeek-Kasteel –especially those who took to the streets to search for my laptop after it wasnicked from my office.For those who have read the manuscript or advised me – Anneliese Burgess,Peter Thompson, Peter Bruce and Max du Preez – thank you so much.I had a brilliant team at Tafelberg, and thank you especially to publisher GillMoodie and editor Russell Martin. When I met Russell before his edit, heasked me what I expected from him. My mind was by then already clutteredand in ten different places. Clarity, I said, bring us clarity. I think he did itbrilliantly.A special word of gratitude to attorney Willem de Klerk. Legally vetting this book was a minefield. His 13-page legal report bears testimony to the difficulttask he faced.Old and new journalist friends gave me numbers, documents and leads, and Iam deeply grateful to them.I have relied heavily on the published work of some of this country's mostdistinguished journalists, among them Sam Sole, Marianne Thamm, Pieter-Louis Myburgh, Abram Mashego, Pauli van Wyk, Ferial Haffajee, Pieter duToit, Angelique Serrao, Barry Bateman, Richard Poplak, Stephen Grootes,Marianne Merten, Mandy Wiener and Thanduxolo Jika.I am grateful to the Taco Kuiper Fund for Investigative Journalism based atWits Journalism for a generous grant that enabled me to do extensive researchfor this book.The vast bulk of my information and material came from a host of officials,officers and administrators in our law enforcement agencies. Some wereformer employees; many were still employed. They spoke to me on conditionof anonymity, and they will remain anonymous.I am deeply indebted to them and honour their courage for putting their jobson the line by divulging the dirty secrets of Jacob Zuma's keepers to me. I hopeI have done justice to their pursuit for a better South Africa. BibliographyBooksJane Duncan. 2014. The Rise of the Securocrats. Jacana Media: Johannesburg.Martin Plaut. 2012. Who Rules South Africa? Pulling the Strings in the Battle for Power. JonathanBall Publishers: Cape Town.R.W. Johnson. 2015. How Long Will South Africa Survive? The Looming Crisis. Hurst: London.Pieter-Louis Myburgh. 2017. The Republic of Gupta: A Story of State Capture. Penguin RandomHouse: Cape Town.Adriaan Basson. 2012. Zuma Exposed. Jonathan Ball Publishers: Cape Town.Jessica Pitchford. 2016. Blood on their Hands: General Johan Booysen Reveals his Truth. PanMacmillan: Johannesburg.Alec Russell. 2009. After Mandela: The Battle for the Soul of South Africa. 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Daily Maverick.Marianne Thamm. 22 March 2017. Analysis: happy Human Rights Day – 57 years later, politicalthugs threaten fragile democracy. Daily Maverick.Caryn Dolley. 9 December 2013. The day Mandela got lost in a crowd. IOL.Shaun Swingler. 29 May 2014. Fighting the gangs of South Africa's Western Cape. The Guardian.Marianne Thamm. 4 November 2016. State capture: Vytjie Mentor and the affidavit that caused allthe trouble. Daily Maverick.Jenna Etheridge. 13 December 2016. Mystery of the ‘missing' record in top cops' transfer. News24.Tammy Petersen. 8 July 2015. Guns sold to Cape gangsters meant for destruction, court hears.News24.Warda Meyer. 20 June 2016. Row after two top Cape cops ‘demoted'. IOL.Marianne Thamm. 4 July 2016. When hell is not hot enough: a top cop who supplied weapons tocountry's gangsters and right wingers. Daily Maverick.Pieter-Louis Myburgh, Angelique Serrao, Monica Laganparsad and Amanda Khoza. 24 March 2017.Exclusive: fake numbers, addresses for Mogoeng break-in suspects. News24.Sunday Times investigations. 28 September 2014. Exposed: how arms dealer Thales bankrolled Zuma.Sunday Times. Rapula Moatshe & Lionel Faull. 2 November 2012. JZ's decade of destruction. Mail & Guardian.Media24 Investigations. 8 December 2013. Krejčíř's arresting colonel has a past. City Press.Paul Trewhela. 15 February 2009. Jacob Zuma in exile: three unexplored issues. Politicsweb.Justice Malala. 8 April 2014. The big read: Old goons protect No 1. TimesLive.Kenneth Good. 19 November 1989. How the killing of Thami Zulu contradicts Zuma's claims.Politicsweb.David Beresford. 25 February 2009. Hints of a darker past. News24.Marianne Thamm. 29 August 2016. Gexit? Not so fast, Guptas. Daily Maverick.Ismail Lagardien. 8 February 2016. Jacob Zuma and the rise and fall of the ANC. Daily Maverick.Mark Heywood. 5 March 2017. Jacob Zuma and the rise and fall of the ANC. Daily Maverick.Marianne Thamm. 12 July 2017. Corrupting the country's soul, Zupta style: South Africa, you are onyour own. Daily Maverick.Richard Poplak. 5 March 2017. Trainspotter: Jacob Zuma, and how the state breaks when you'reotherwise occupied. Daily Maverick.Pieter-Louis Myburgh. 14 August 2016. Exclusive: Zuma friend's R550m bonanza. News24.Ranjeni Munusamy. 2 March 2015. Information = Power: Jacob Zuma's shrinking circle of trust.Daily Maverick.Liesl Peyper. 21 June 2017. SARS' Makwakwa on paid leave for 9 months as investigation stalls.Fin24.Pauli van Wyk. 15 September 2016. Sars' second in command Jonas Makwakwa suspended overmystery payments of R1.2m. Mail & Guardian.Susan Comrie, Craig McKune, Sam Sole. 11 September 2016. Sars chief's mystery stash. amaBhungane.Marianne Merten. 16 August 2017. Parliament: SA's crime-intelligence fighters, at war withthemselves. Daily Maverick.Zukile Majova and Mbuyisi Mgibisa. 29 June 2007. Agliotti and the Cuban ‘drug lord'. Mail &Guardian.Marianne Thamm. 10 February 2017. SARS wars: suspension of the last remaining key officialjeopardises ‘Tobacco War' cases. Daily Maverick.Sibongakonke Shoba. 12 April 2015. Where did Malema get the money? Sars reveals why dealcollapsed. TimesLive.Pearlie Joubert. 12 April 2015. How SARS bust Lifman. City Press.Marianne Thamm. 12 January 2017. SARS wars: Moyane/Gordhan cold war to reach breaking pointin 2017. Daily Maverick.Amanda Khoza. 15 April 2015. I never hid anything from SARS – Lifman. Fin 24.Sam Sole. 7 January 2011. Ex-con is Khulubuse's link to Chinese deals. Mail & Guardian.Sam Sole. 10 July 2015. Zuma crony linked to Swazi fraud and bribery scandals. Mail & Guardian.Angelique Serrao. 16 November 2016. Senior SARS employee involved with Zuma family-linkedcompany. News24.Gertrude Makhafola. 12 May 2016. Khulubuse Zuma and Co lose appeal, must pay Aurora workers.Mail & Guardian.Pierre de Vos. 19 October 2016. The law, Gordhan's tactical move – and those 72 suspicioustransactions by the Guptas. Daily Maverick.Ray Hartley. 30 March 2017. The story of the very political funeral of Ahmed Kathrada. Rand DailyMail.Qaanitah Hunter. 29 March 2017. Zuma to justify Gordhan axing with intelligence report – sources. Sowetan.Jan Gerber. 22 May 2017. Zuma refuses to answer questions on Nkandla tax, ‘intelligence report'.News24.Jeff Wicks. 28 February 2017. Suspended KZN Hawks head Johan Booysen calls off fight. BusinessDay.Documents/reports published onlineFreedom Under Law court application, Case no 87643/2016. Pretoria High Court.Johan Booysen. 20 February 2017. Second Supplementary Founding Affidavit. Durban High Court.SAFLII. 15 September 2016. General Council of the Bar of South Africa v Jiba and Others. PretoriaHigh Court.JCPS Cluster Report. 17 May 2013. Landing of a chartered commercial aircraft at Air Force baseWaterkloof.Ipid. 22 January 2014. Case investigative report on alleged renditions.Stephen Ellis. April 1994. Mbokodo: Security in ANC camps, 1961-1990. African Affairs.Nadja Manghezi. 2008. They were part of us and we were part of them: The ANC in Mozambiquefrom 1976 to 1990. SummaryInvestigative journalist Jacques Pauw exposes the darkest secret at the heart ofJacob Zuma's compromised government: a cancerous cabal that eliminates thepresident's enemies and purges the law-enforcement agencies of good men andwomen.As Zuma fights for his political life following the 2017 Gupta emails leak,this cabal – the president's keepers – ensures that after years of ruinous rule, heremains in power and out of prison. But is Zuma the puppet master, or theirpuppet?Journey with Pauw as he explores the shadow mafia state. From KwaZulu-Natal and the Western Cape to the corridors of power in Pretoria andJohannesburg – and even to clandestine meetings in Russia. It's a trail of liesand spies, cronies, cash and kingmakers as Pauw prises open the web of deceitthat surrounds the fourth president of the democratic era. Other Publications by Jacques PauwNonfictionIn the Heart of the WhoreInto the Heart of DarknessDances with DevilsRat RoadsFictionLittle Ice Cream Boy       ×